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Hong Joon-pyo Sounds the Alarm Again: His “Party Dissolution” Warning After Announcing His Retirement
Hong Joon-pyo, the former mayor of Daegu who had announced his retirement from politics, has stepped back up to the microphone. But this time, his remarks went beyond familiar criticism of party leadership or analysis of factional infighting. He invoked something far weightier: the possibility that the Constitutional Court could dissolve the party.
In a recent broadcast interview, Hong warned that the People Power Party must prepare for more than simply resolving its internal conflicts—it may have to confront the possibility that its very legal existence could be at stake. In particular, he said that “a major turning point will come at the end of the year,” suggesting that if future court rulings and their political fallout converge, the party could find itself trapped in what is known as the “insurrection party” narrative.
The reason his remarks have drawn attention is simple: dissolving an unconstitutional political party is an extraordinarily rare measure in South Korean politics. The government must petition the Constitutional Court, and the case can proceed only if the party is found to have threatened the basic order of liberal democracy. Since the dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party, the prospect of a party being disbanded has been regarded as one of the most serious warning signs in Korean politics.
Yet Hong—a former leader of a conservative party and a presidential contender—has openly raised that possibility in connection with the People Power Party, the party that once served as his political home. His words can be read as a warning to treat legal peril as a real factor. At the same time, they may serve as a shock tactic aimed at putting an end to the party’s internal power struggles.
Hong’s message ultimately has two strands. One is a critique of leadership: the party, under the leadership of Jang Dong-hyeok, has failed to unite. The other is a warning that if internal divisions and legal risks continue to mount, the People Power Party could face a crisis that threatens its very survival—far more serious than an election defeat.
That is also why his words cannot be casually dismissed as the remarks of a politician who has announced his retirement. From outside the conservative camp, Hong is sounding the alarm over the risks facing the conservative party in language more forceful than anyone else’s. Whether this warning foreshadows a genuine crisis or is a political message intended to shake the party will depend on future court rulings and how the People Power Party responds internally.
What Did Hong Joon-pyo Mean by “A Major Hurdle at Year’s End”?
The “major hurdle at year’s end” Hong Joon-pyo referred to does not mean a vague decline in approval ratings or factional infighting. His warning points to a scenario in which, if certain court rulings go against the People Power Party, it could face more than a political crisis: it could be branded an “insurrection party” and see its very existence called into question.
At the heart of his concern are two legal outcomes:
- The trial involving former floor leader Chu Kyung-ho
- Hong envisioned a scenario in which Chu is found guilty of “performing key duties related to insurrection.”
- Whether a former president from the party is convicted of insurrection
- Hong fears that if the former president is also convicted of insurrection, responsibility for the case could extend beyond the individual to the party as a whole.
If both outcomes point in the same direction, the People Power Party could find itself in a politically difficult position to defend. If both a senior party figure and a former president from the party are held responsible for insurrection, opposition parties and some civil society groups may press the argument that this was not “an individual’s misconduct, but a problem at the party level.”
Why the “Insurrection Party” Label Is So Damaging
In politics, a frame is more than a slogan. It can shape elections, rally a party’s base, drive away centrist voters, and determine who holds the party’s leadership. The phrase “insurrection party” carries far greater weight than ordinary criticism of poor governance or a scandal over ethics.
That is precisely what Hong is worried about. If court rulings go against the party, the People Power Party could face several pressures at once:
A blow to its political legitimacy
The party could face fundamental questions about whether it respects the democratic constitutional order.Growing calls for leadership to take responsibility
If the current leadership fails to distance the party from the case and establish a clear position, demands for accountability and renewal could intensify.The prospect of party dissolution entering the debate
Regardless of whether dissolution actually occurs, even the political and legal debate over whether the government could petition for a ruling to dissolve the party as unconstitutional would place a heavy burden on it.
Could a Political Party Be Dissolved Immediately?
Party dissolution is not something that can be decided through political sparring alone. The government must petition the Constitutional Court for a dissolution ruling, and the Court must carefully determine whether the party’s purpose or activities violate the basic democratic order.
In South Korean politics, party dissolution is treated as an exceptionally rare measure. So rather than taking Hong’s remarks to mean that “the People Power Party is on the verge of being dissolved,” they should be understood as a political warning that the trial outcomes could turn into a broader question about the party’s identity and continued existence.
Hong’s Warning Is Ultimately About Being Prepared
Hong says the People Power Party cannot afford to become consumed by internal conflict. His call for the party to unite around leader Jang Dong-hyeok reflects the same concern. As year-end approaches, when court rulings and political attacks could converge, the party must first demonstrate responsibility and make its principles clear.
Ultimately, the “major hurdle at year’s end” he spoke of does not refer to a single ruling. It is a moment when the trial outcomes, the party’s response, the unity of its leadership, and the public’s reaction will all be put to the test at once.
Hong Joon-pyo’s Warning and Party Dissolution: Could It Really Happen?
Party dissolution is not a slogan casually tossed around in politics. In South Korea’s constitutional history, the Constitutional Court has dissolved a political party only once: the Unified Progressive Party in 2014. That is why former Daegu Mayor Hong Joon-pyo’s warning to the People Power Party that it should “prepare for the possibility of dissolution” sounds far more serious than ordinary criticism.
Still, it would be a stretch to take his remarks as meaning that “the People Power Party is on the verge of being dissolved.” Party dissolution is an exceptional measure that requires a strict constitutional and legal process.
The government cannot dissolve a party on its own
South Korea’s Constitution allows the government to petition the Constitutional Court to dissolve a party if its purpose or activities violate the basic free and democratic order. The process has two key stages:
- The government files a petition for dissolution
- The Constitutional Court makes the final decision
In other words, a party is not automatically dissolved because public opinion turns against it or one of its members is convicted. The government must decide to file a petition, and the Constitutional Court must examine the party’s overall purpose and activities and determine that they pose a real threat to the basic free and democratic order.
That makes party dissolution a very different matter from losing an election, seeing support slide, or facing internal leadership disputes. The central question is whether the party engaged in organized activity that threatened the constitutional order.
The Unified Progressive Party case shows how high the bar is
The dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party is considered a highly exceptional case in South Korean political history. At the time, the Constitutional Court considered not only the party’s platform, but also the activities of its members, how the organization operated, and specific actions taken by the party.
The precedent left a clear message:
Party dissolution is not decided on the basis of a single politician’s remarks or an isolated incident. It is a process for determining whether a party’s purpose, activities, and organization as a whole conflict with the constitutional order.
So even if the “insurrection party” label directed at the People Power Party gains political force, that does not mean it will automatically lead to the party’s dissolution as an unconstitutional party. The outcome of a criminal trial and the standards applied in a party dissolution case may be connected, but they are not the same process.
Hong’s remarks are more a political warning than a legal prediction
Hong’s remarks are better understood not as a definitive legal conclusion, but as a warning that the People Power Party could face the worst-case political and legal risks.
The scenario he raised was that if key figures and the former president are found guilty in court, the People Power Party as a whole could be branded an “insurrection party.” He also raised the possibility that the government might then consider petitioning to dissolve the party.
But an important distinction must be made:
- The criminal liability of individual members
- Organizational responsibility at the party level
- Whether the legal requirements for dissolving an unconstitutional party are met
Each of these must be established separately. Hong’s warning, then, is more accurately read not as a legal outcome that is imminent, but as a message that the crisis could deepen depending on the trial results, public opinion, and the party’s response.
In the end, the People Power Party’s response will matter
Whether the prospect of party dissolution becomes a reality does not depend solely on outside attacks or the government’s intentions. How the People Power Party manages internal divisions, responds to the allegations and court cases in question, and redefines its political identity will also be important factors.
That is also why Hong stressed the need for the party to unite around the leadership of Chairman Jang Dong-hyeok. The longer internal divisions persist, the stronger the external narrative could become—and the weaker the party’s ability to respond to the crisis.
Party dissolution remains an extremely exceptional measure. But the fact that it is unlikely does not mean there is no need to prepare. The real question raised by Hong’s remarks is not party dissolution itself, but whether the People Power Party can put its house in order responsibly in the face of the political and legal crisis confronting it.
Hong Joon-pyo Identifies the Real Crisis: Not in the Courtroom, but Inside the People Power Party
The possibility of a party being dissolved is certainly a grave warning. But follow Hong Joon-pyo’s message to its conclusion, and it becomes clear that he sees an even more serious problem—one that predates any Constitutional Court ruling: trust and unity within the party are already breaking down.
Hong criticized party leader Jang Dong-hyeok, saying in effect, “If you elect someone to manage the party, you should rally around that person—but that isn’t happening.” If a party can elect its leadership but still fail to move in a unified direction, it will struggle to build even the basic political strength needed to withstand outside attacks or legal risks.
A party’s crisis may begin in the courtroom, but its actual collapse accelerates when its members stop trusting one another.
How a Leadership Vacuum Sets Off a Chain Reaction
A political party is both an election machine and a crisis-response organization. And when it faces trials involving a former president and key figures, the charged political label of an “insurrection party,” and the possible loss of support from its base, the leadership’s words and actions need to be all the more resolute.
But if factional conflict and distrust of the leadership persist, events can take the opposite course:
- Every new development in the trials triggers another round of internal blame-trading.
- The leadership’s official response fails to win the support of the party as a whole.
- Supporters conclude that the party cannot control the crisis.
In this process, the greater loss is not the legal risk itself, but the erosion of political trust. The public looks to see what principles a party upholds in difficult times and whether it can make responsible decisions. If even its own members cannot speak with one voice, its message to the wider public is bound to lose credibility.
Hong’s Warning Is a Call to “Close Ranks”
Hong’s remarks go beyond a simple assessment of Jang Dong-hyeok as an individual leader. They amount to a call for the People Power Party to first make clear who will take responsibility and what principles will guide the party’s leadership—if it hopes to avoid being swept into the extreme narrative that its very existence is at stake.
Of course, unity does not mean enforced silence or a ban on criticism. A healthy party needs a structure that can reconcile differences and share responsibility for decisions once they are made. The problem Hong identified is precisely that the party’s ability to resolve disagreements—and its sense of shared responsibility—have weakened.
Ultimately, the first test facing the People Power Party may not be in a courtroom. Can it rally around its leadership, set a strategy, contain internal conflict, and deliver a consistent message to the public in the face of crisis? Hong’s warning puts that question to the party—and to the country.
After Hong Joon-pyo’s Warning, the People Power Party Faces a Crossroads: Reinvention or Reunification
It remains to be seen whether Hong Joon-pyo’s warning will prove to be little more than shock therapy or become a new turning point in conservative politics. But one thing is clear: the debate surrounding the People Power Party has moved beyond winning or losing elections to the very name of the party and the way it will continue to exist.
Reunification: Building a “Defensive Front” Around the Current Leadership
The first option is reunification. As Hong Joon-pyo emphasized, once a leadership team has been elected, the party must first rally around it, reduce internal divisions, and strengthen its capacity to respond. If factional infighting continues while trials, investigations, and political attacks unfold at the same time, responding to the crisis will only become more difficult.
Reunification is about more than simply chanting, “Let’s unite.”
- Clearly distinguish the legal responsibilities of the party from those of individuals
- Establish a crisis-response system with constitutional and political experts
- Set standards for explaining past controversies and pursuing renewal
Cohesion can only be persuasive if it is backed by steps like these. Silence or a defensive posture alone will do little to counter the potent “insurrection party” label.
Reinvention: The Possibility of a “Post–People Power Party” Taking Shape
The alternative is reinvention. If the People Power Party cannot resolve its legal and political burdens and internal divisions deepen, calls for a new name and a new coalition could grow within the conservative camp.
Party reinvention is not simply a matter of changing its name. It is a demanding undertaking that requires a complete redesign of its personnel, platform, distance from the past, and messaging to moderate voters. Success will depend on the political establishment’s resolve and ability to persuade—especially given the need to broaden the party’s appeal without losing its existing support base.
In that case, Hong Joon-pyo’s remarks will remain not just a warning to the People Power Party, but a question posed to conservative politics as a whole: Will it overcome this crisis under its current organization and name, or build a new order?
Ultimately, the Key Is Not “Crisis Management,” but “Restoring Trust”
Whether the party reunifies or reinvents itself, the final test is voters’ trust. If a conservative party blames its crisis solely on external attacks, the debate is likely to deepen. But if it accepts responsibility where due and clearly reaffirms its identity and democratic principles, the crisis could become a turning point.
That is why the phrase Hong Joon-pyo invoked—“party dissolution”—carries such weight. It is about more than the possibility of a legal process. It raises fundamental questions about what kind of party the People Power Party will remain, and how conservative politics in South Korea can earn back the public’s trust.
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